arch/ive/ief (2000 - 2005)

New dramatic changes have taken place in the situation on the Korean Peninsula and the rest of Northeast Asia in the new century. Inter-Korean relations and the DPRK's relations with Russia, China and Japan have entered a new important phase and bold measures have been taken to reconnect inter-Korean railroads which have remained cut for over half a century, settle the past with Japan and do away with the leftovers of the last century.
The DPRK has taken a series of new steps in economic management and adopted one measure after another to reenergize the economy, including the establishment of a special economic region, in conformity with the changed
situation and specific conditions of the country.
These developments practically contribute to peace in Asia and the rest of the world. Almost all the countries except for the United States, therefore, welcomed and hailed them, a great encouragement to the DPRK.
It was against this backdrop that the DPRK recently received a special envoy of the U.S. President in the hope that this might help fundamentally solve the hostile relations with the U.S. and settle outstanding issues on
an equal footing.
Regretfully, the Pyongyang visit of the special envoy convinced the DPRK that the hostile attempt of the Bush administration to stifle the DPRK by force and backpedal the positive development of the situation in the Korean
Peninsula and the rest of Northeast Asia has gone to the extremes.
Producing no evidence, he asserted that the DPRK has been actively engaged in the enriched uranium program in pursuit of possessing nuclear weapons in violation of the DPRK-U.S. agreed framework. He even intimidated the DPRK side by saying that there would be no dialogue with the U.S. unless
the DPRK halts it, and the DPRK-Japan, and north-south relations would be jeopardized.
The U.S. attitude was so unilateral and high-handed that the DPRK was stunned by it.
The U.S. is seriously mistaken if it thinks such a brigandish attitude reminding one of a thief crying "stop the thief" would work on the DPRK.
As far as the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula is concerned, it cropped up as the U.S. has massively stockpiled nuclear weapons in South Korea and its vicinity and threatened the DPRK, a small country, with those
weapons for nearly half a century, pursuing a hostile policy toward it in accordance with the strategy for world supremacy.
The DPRK-U.S. agreed framework was adopted in October 1994, but the U.S. has been deprived of the right to talk about the implementation of the framework since then.
Under article 1 of the framework the U.S. is obliged to provide light water reactors to the DPRK by the year 2003 in return for the DPRK's freezing of graphite moderated reactors and their related facilities.
But only site preparation for the LWR was made though 8 years have passed since the DPRK froze its nuclear facilities.
This will bring the DPRK an annual loss of 1,000 mw (e) in 2003 when light water reactor no.1 is scheduled to be completed and that of 2,000 mw (e) from the next year under article 2 of the framework the two sides are obliged to move toward full normalization of the political and economic
relations. Over the last 8 years, however, the U.S. has persistently pursued the hostile policy toward the DPRK and maintained economic sanctions on it.
The former has gone the length of listing the latter as part of the "axis of evil."
Under article 3 of the framework the U.S. is obliged to give formal assurances to the DPRK against the threat or use of nuclear weapons by the U.S. however, the U.S. listed the DPRK as a target of its pre-emptive nuclear attack.
Under article 4 of the framework and paragraph g of its confidential minute the DPRK is to allow nuclear inspections only after the "delivery of essential non-nuclear components for the first LWR unit, including turbines and generators" is completed. But, the U.S. has already come out with a unilateral demand for nuclear inspection in a bid to convince the international community of the DPRK's violation of the framework.
This compelled the DPRK to make public the confidential minute for the first time.
The U.S. has, in the final analysis, observed none of the four articles of the framework. It is only the U.S. that can know whether it had willingness to implement the framework when it was adopted or put a signature to it without sincerity, calculating that the DPRK would collapse sooner or later.
However, the Bush administration listed the DPRK as part of the "axis of evil" and a target of the U.S. pre-emptive nuclear strikes. This was a clear declaration of a war against the DPRK as it totally nullified the DPRK-U.S.
joint statement and agreed framework.
In the long run, the Bush administration has adopted it as its policy to make a pre-emptive nuclear strike at the DPRK. Such moves, a gross violation of the basic spirit of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, reduced the
inter-Korean joint declaration on denuclearization to a dead document.
Its reckless political, economic and military pressure is most seriously threatening the DPRK's right to existence, creating a grave situation on the Korean Peninsula.
Nobody would be so naive as to think that the DPRK would sit idle under such situation.
That was why the DPRK made itself very clear to the special envoy of the U.S. President that the DPRK was entitled to possess not only nuclear weapon but any type of weapon more powerful than that so as to defend its sovereignty and right to existence from the ever-growing nuclear threat by
the U.S.
The DPRK, which values sovereignty more than life, was left with no other proper answer to the U.S. behaving so arrogantly and impertinently. The DPRK has neither need nor duty to explain something to the U.S. seeking to attack it if it refuses to disarm itself.
Nevertheless, the DPRK, with greatest magnanimity, clarified that it was ready to seek a negotiated settlement of this issue on the following three conditions: firstly, if the U.S. recognizes the DPRK's sovereignty, secondly, if it assures the DPRK of nonaggression and thirdly, if the U.S. does not hinder the economic development of the DPRK.
Nowadays, the U.S. and its followers assert that negotiations should be held after the DPRK puts down its arms. This is a very abnormal logic.
Then, how can the DPRK counter any attack with empty hands?
Their assertion is little short of demanding the DPRK yield to pressure, which means death.
Nobody can match anyone ready to die. This is the faith and will of the army and people of the DPRK determined to remain true to the army-based policy to the last.
The position of the DPRK is invariable. The DPRK considers that it is a reasonable and realistic solution to the nuclear issue to conclude a nonaggression treaty between the DPRK and the U.S. if the grave situation of the Korean Peninsula is to be bridged over.
If the U.S. legally assures the DPRK of nonaggression, including the nonuse of nuclear weapons against it by concluding such treaty, the DPRK will be ready to clear the former of its security concerns.
The settlement of all problems with the DPRK, a small country, should be based on removing any threat to its sovereignty and right to existence.
There may be negotiations or the use of deterrent force to be consistent with this basis, but the DPRK wants the former, as far as possible.

Pyongyang, October 25.