States
of unrest:
Introduction
Since Seattle
last year, the media has heralded the dawn of a new movement
in Europe and America, epitomised by protests aimed at the WTO,
IMF and the World Bank.
However,
this \'new movement\', portrayed by the media as students and
anarchists from the rich and prosperous global north, is just
the tip of the iceberg. In the global south, a far deeper and
wide-ranging movement has been developing for years, largely
ignored by the media.
What
follows is a summary of protests and demonstrations
organised by the southern poor. They
are aimed at policies that hurt their livelihoods and, in some
cases, undermine the democratic foundations of their
countries. This \'hidden\' movement has a global reach and
signals a deep unease at economic policies that keep the poor
in poverty.
Southern protest
All of the
developing countries detailed in this report have experienced
civil unrest in the past year.
Teachers,
civil servants, priests, farmers, students, doctors,
trade-union activists, indigenous peoples and women\'s groups
have called on their governments to halt the introduction of
economic reforms which have by-passed their national
democratic institutions, and have been foisted on them by the
IMF and World Bank. These are poor people, in a desperate
situation, who are striving for respect, dignity and a sense
of pride in their lives and countries. Their voices deserve to
be heard.
But
they\'re not. Developing countries are still locked into a
dependant relationship with the international financial
institutions and donor governments. Despite the rhetoric of
poverty reduction, debt relief and economic stabilisation,
these countries must still implement liberalisation policies
which hurt the poor. This report shows how deeply the poor
oppose them.
The
Gatekeeper
The
IMF has unprecedented power over these vulnerable countries
and is often referred to as the \'Gatekeeper\' because it
determines whether to open or shut the \'gate\' between a
borrowing government and its creditors. Unless the IMF gives
its \'seal of approval\', signifying that a government\'s
policies are \'adequate\', the government may be unable to
access credit and attract foreign investment. The only way
these countries have been able to gain the IMF\'s \'seal of
approval\' is by introducing a package of reforms called a
Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). These reforms often
involve the following common elements:
•
Reducing government expenditure, by making public-sector
redundancies, freezing salaries, and making cuts in health,
education and social welfare services;
•
The privatisation of state-run industries, leading to massive
lay-offs with no social security provision and the loss of
inefficient services to remote or poor areas;
•
Currency devaluation and export promotion, leading to the
soaring cost of imports, land use changed for cash crops, and
reliance on international commodity markets;
•
Raising interest rates to tackle inflation, putting small
companies out of business;
•
Removal of price controls, leading to rapid price rises for
basic goods and services.
In
1999, these notorious SAPs underwent a transformation
following criticism of their content and undemocratic nature.
At last year\'s Annual Meetings, the Enhanced Structural
Adjustment Facility (ESAF), responsible for providing loans to
up to 80 countries, was renamed the Poverty Reduction and
Growth Facility (PRGF). In addition, Poverty Reduction
Strategy Papers (PRSPs), which must be drawn up in
consultation with civil society, were introduced to meet fears
that governments lacked \'ownership\' of SAPs. But early
evidence suggests that PRGF conditions are almost identical to
the old ESAF conditions, and that PRSPs will closely resemble
SAPs. The names may have changed but the economics has stayed
the same.
For
countries outside the remit of the PRGF, the IMF remains as
inflexible as ever. Loans from the IMF are always conditional
on the implementation of structural reforms, and countries
seeking the IMF\'s international \'seal of approval\' are always
\'encouraged\' to continue with SAP-style policies.
All
these policies hurt the poor. Developing countries have few
choices - either implement policies ill-suited to their
country or risk economic isolation. Most governments, seeking
to retain power and be accepted internationally, choose the
IMF over their own people.
Demolishing
democracy
One
of the objectives of IMF and World Bank conditions is to leave
economies well governed and increase stability. Instead, SAPs
have undermined the ability of democratic governments to set
their own priorities and policy objectives; instead, they
often rush through economic reforms without adequate
legislative or democratic processes. While governments are
held responsible for the social and economic upheaval which
results, the IMF and World Bank escape largely unscathed.
These
institutions have little accountability to any electorate, and
remain forever at arm\'s length. At best, they offer advice to
the governments \'to continue building the necessary political
support for reforms\', and at worst distance themselves
completely from failed programmes, blaming inadequate
political will or corruption.
SAPs,
which cut back the role of the state, ignore the basic
function of governments - to provide social services to their
citizens. If governments are unable to provide these services
because of budget cuts or debt servicing, governments lose
their legitimacy in the eyes of their citizens.
It
would be wrong to suggest that developing countries have no
responsibility. Some have embraced the proposals willingly,
others have been guilty of corruption. But our point is that
civil society\'s attempt to democratise their own governments
is made substantially more difficult, if not impossible, by
the imposition of IMF conditions. There is no room for
flexibility in negotiations with the IMF.
This
is compounded by the current revamp which seeks to dress SAPs
up in the rhetoric of PRSPs, which could make matters much
worse. The policies will stay the same, but instead of being
explicitly prescribed by the IMF, they will be covertly pushed
on government officials by \'IMF advisors\'. In the long run,
PRSPs will only help the IMF pass the buck when things go
wrong.
When
democracy is undermined and governments are unable to act in
the interests of their electorate, one of the only channels
left is for citizens to demonstrate. Civil unrest, demonstrations
and strikes should indicate to governments, law-makers
and the international community that policies are not working.
Country
reports
Argentina
IMF
overview
In
March 2000, the IMF approves a US$7.2 billion three-year
stand-by credit on the condition that the Government continues
with key fiscal and structural reforms. Within the agreement,
there is specific reference to the importance of "the
proposed labour market reform and deregulation", and to
"the further reform of the social security system".
December
1999
A wave of strikes hits the newly
elected centre-left Government as it tries to introduce
reforms of its labour laws in response to discussions with the
IMF. The reforms will dilute the
trade-union movement and reduce the rights of workers. Mr
Montoya, one of the leaders of Argentina\'s biggest union
umbrella group, the General Confederation of Labour (CGT), has
already likened the strikes to the ones which caused economic
and social chaos in 1983-89, leading to the downfall of the
then President, Raul Alfonsin. Montoya says that Mr De la Rue,
Argentina\'s current President is "committing the same
error as Alfonsin".
27
April 2000
The
package of labour reforms is passed by the Senate, while
thousands of demonstrators picket Congress, leading to violent
clashes with the police in which more than 30 people are
injured and about 50 arrested.
May
2000
IMF-prescribed Government cuts in
the social security system lead to violent demonstrations
in the Salta region. Peaceful protests erupt into violence
after demands for unemployment benefits and severance pay are
ignored by local officials who can no longer provide them. The
protesters set
fire to public offices before being subdued by armed riot
police, leaving dozens injured and many arrested. Rural
communities in a similar situation block roads and organise
protests to disrupt visiting government officials in an effort
to voice their concerns about the increasing deterioration of
social provisions.
31
May 2000
Protests
against the IMF austerity plan, which will raise taxes, reduce
social spending and cut salaries, culminate with 80,000 people
taking to the streets. The
protest is called by the three largest trade unions, the
Catholic Church (usually too conservative to support such
actions) and politicians, from both the governing Alianza
coalition and opposition parties. Protesters likened the
IMF to a \'financial dictatorship\' and promised \'fiscal
disobedience\' by refusing to pay their taxes, which have
jumped from 8 to 22 per cent. One of the 14 dissident members
of the Alianza coalition states that "we want to insist
that the Government apply the programme for which it was
elected and not this series of adjustments that only serve to
shrink the internal market and create a recession".
Guillermo Garcia Canedo, the secretary of the Social Pastoral
Argentine Episcopate of the Catholic Church, backs the march
to uphold the recommendations of Pope John Paul II, who wants
the IMF and World Bank reformed. Canedo says, "It is
essential to create unity among social sectors in order to
firmly tell the IMF we have had enough of its adjustment
policy."
In
a survey by the Argentina-based Centre for Public Opinion
Studies, 70 per cent of those polled identify the IMF as
responsible for budget adjustments, 65 per cent believe
its policies are not successful, and 88 per cent maintain that
the Government should place limits on the IMF\'s requirements.
In a separate poll, the approval ratings for the Government\'s
economic policy fall from 35 per cent in January to 13 per
cent in July.
9
June 2000
In continued defiance of the new
IMF-prescribed labour laws, a 24-hour general strike
is supported by more than 7.2 million workers. The President,
Fernado de la Rua, is reported as saying that the Government
has no choice but to meet targets set by the IMF. The report
continues that the Government and the workers are in deadlock,
and more strikes and disruptions are inevitable.
29
August 2000
Teachers and scientists go on a one-day strike to
protest against a 12 per cent cut in wages. These wage cuts
are in line with IMF austerity measures.
In
August, the Financial Times reports how "a wave
of discontent is sweeping across Argentina, eroding the
government\'s political capital and prompting it to adopt
desperate measures to create jobs and kick-start the economy.
But the measures may have backfired and put the brakes on the
economy [and] even supporters of the governing Alliance will
be looking to distance themselves from an unpopular
government." The FT fails to mention the IMF\'s
complicity in the Argentina\'s social turmoil and the
Government\'s failed programme of reforms.
The
Argentine
courts find the IMF directly responsible for Argentina\'s
debt. In an unprecedented judicial ruling, condemning the
illegitimate origins of the country\'s debt amassed during the
military dictatorship of 1976-83, Judge Jorge Ballestro says
that the outstanding debt is part of "a damaging economic
policy that forced [Argentina] on its knees through various
methods, and which tended to benefit and support private
companies - national and foreign - to the detriment of
society." The ruling specifically cities the IMF as being
responsible and states that "it could not pass unnoticed
among the IMF authorities who were supervising the economic
negotiations". As the hearing concludes, more than 5,000
people gather outside the congressional building in the
capital to demonstrate their support.
Bolivia
IMF
overview
Bolivia
has been working with the IMF since 1985, and received an ESAF
loan for US$138 million in September 1998, which set out
"plans to privatise all remaining public
enterprises", including the water industry. In February
2000, the IMF grants another US$46.1 million PRGF loan in
addition to US$1.3 billion in debt relief under the Enhanced
HIPC Initiative. These are granted on the condition of
Bolivia\'s continued "progress in the implementation of
structural reforms."
December
1999/January 2000
IMF structural adjustment reforms
lead to water prices in Cochabamba, Bolivia\'s third largest
city, rising by as much as 200 per cent, provoking widespread
protests. The average water bill is estimated to equal
22 per cent of a monthly wage of a self-employed man and 27
per cent for a woman. In January, an alliance of factory
workers, farmers, students and environmentalists protest
against the continued high price of water in the city. After
the protesters shut down the city for four days, the Government
promises to reverse the rate increase.
February
2000
The
Government cannot act on its promises due to the IMF
conditions. More than 1,000
protesters take to the streets and are confronted by a
similar number of riot police and soldiers, who disperse them
with baton charges and tear
gas. More than 175 people are injured and two are
blinded. The Government again responds by promising a price
freeze until November when they promise to re-open
negotiations.
April
2000
Water
prices still do not change. Exasperated by the Government\'s
lack of commitment to alleviating the situation, more
protesters take to the streets, this time joined by more than
1,000 rural peasants fighting the privatisation of rural water
supplies. Protesters block roads and demonstrations explode
into violence. The town hall is stormed.
The
President, Hugo Banzer, declares a state of emergency,
restricting civil liberties. Protest leaders are arrested.
Rubber bullets are replaced by real ones. Bolivian television
shows an army captain firing into an unarmed crowd. Only then
does the Government revoke the concession of the multinational
controlling the city\'s water. Reports claim that as many as
eight people are dead, including two farmers, two soldiers,
one police officer and three protesters.
In
La Paz, there are also scattered protests in which 30 people
are injured and 11 students arrested. In a separate incident,
hundreds of police officers go on strike in the capital,
demanding salary increases.
An
Inter Press Service report claims that the protests are the
President\'s "lowest point in his two years and eight
months in office because it deepened existing conflicts and
created a general feeling of contempt for the
government". It also suggests that the failure of the
Government to deal with the protests democratically is an
expression of disenchantment with Bolivia\'s democracy. Erick
Torrici of the Andean Community of Nations and an expert at
the Andean University says, "Such as it stands, democracy
is reaching its limits. The content of recent demonstrations responds to a situation that reveals the
inadequacies of a merely electoral democracy." Maria
Teresa Segada, a specialist from the Higher University of Sans
Andres, explains further how "when the neoliberal
economic model was implemented in 1985, [with the beginning of
SAPs] government leaders asked the Bolivian people for
patience and sacrifice, but now, 15 years later, patience has
run out because the model did not meet expectations."
While
the country is in turmoil, however, the National Forum on
Poverty Reduction, organised by Jubilee 2000 in La Paz,
undertakes the largest public consultation exercise in the
country\'s history, involving 429 participants, including 90
departmental delegates, 275 representatives from 114
organisations and 64 international representatives. The aim of
the forum is to assess key areas for poverty reduction in the
country, and runs alongside the government\'s National
Dialogue, which is part of its PRSP consultation exercise.
Liana Cisneros from the Latin America Jubilee 2000 Network
says, "The creditors\' response to Bolivia\'s debt crisis
has consistently been inadequate. Poverty levels in Bolivia
remain devastating. The IMF would do well to study the
findings of the Forum for ideas on how to reduce
poverty."
Brazil
IMF
overview
In November 1998, the IMF offers Brazil a US$18 billion
stand-by loan. Conducting their fifth review of the agreement
the IMF "noted with satisfaction" the success of the
Brazilian economy, although it "encouraged the Brazilian
authorities to press ahead with their privatisation efforts
and the further liberalisation of external trade".
April
2000
A
Tribunal on Foreign Debt in Rio de Janeiro claims that "the
policies of the IMF have proved disastrous and have
increased the foreign debt even more, while imposing the
endless moratorium on social spending. Those who must pay the
debt are children, workers in rural areas and the countryside,
black people, indigenous people and the environment." The
Tribunal, organised by Jubilee 2000, includes Dr Luiz
Cernichiaro, Minister of the Supreme Court, Federal Judge Dra
Maccalos and other prominent lawyers. It has the backing of
trade unions, the Catholic Church and the Landless Movement.
September
2000
A referendum asking whether
Brazil should discontinue IMF reforms is backed by more than a
million people. Organised by the
National Council of Bishops and Jubilee 2000, the \'unofficial\'
referendum is a marked success. On the 7 September, to mark
the end of six days of voting and Brazil\'s Independence Day, a
demonstration draws
thousands of protesters under the banner of Cry of the
Excluded. All the main cities in Brazil are
"crammed", say reports, with more than 100,000
people in Sao Paulo. The Government had previously
called the referendum "stupid" and an isolated
project undertaken by "minorities".
Colombia
IMF
overview
In September 1999, the IMF approves a three-year
credit worth US$2.7 billion in support of "the
government\'s structural reform agenda", which includes
policies to "downsize the public sector, mainly through
privatisation, and reduce public sector spending". In the
annual review of this agreement, the IMF "welcomed the
continuation of the recovery of Colombia\'s economic activity,
despite the challenges posed by the political and security
situation", and describes the importance of dealing with
the programme\'s "social fall-out" if private and
foreign investment is to continue.
3
August 2000
About 15,000 workers go on a 24-hour general strike to
protest against IMF-imposed austerity measures being
implemented by President Andres Pastrana. Colombia has the
highest unemployment rate in Latin America, with 20 per cent
of the population without work. The recent 2001 budget is
announced by the Finance Minister as the budget of "sweat
and tears", with 5,000 public sector jobs to go and wage
increases to be kept below the rate of inflation. There will
be little compensation of workers as the Government continues
its cutbacks on social security provision. The conditions laid
out in the US$2.7 billion IMF loan require Colombia to further
open its economy, privatise public companies and cut back
spending.
Costa
Rica
IMF
overview
In
1995, Costa Rica was granted an IMF stand-by credit for US$78
million on the condition that "private sector
participation in areas previously reserved for the public
sector is increased" and "a far greater role by
foreign investors in areas such as electricity generation,
insurance and banking" is provided for. In the 1999
annual review of Costa Rica\'s economic programme, the IMF
urges the "prompt approval of the draft legislation to
open up electricity generation, telecommunications, and the
insurance sector to private sector participation as
essential."
Often
known as the Switzerland of the Americas, Costa Rica
has a sound reputation for democracy, peace and good welfare
provision. The Costa Ricans have managed to by-pass much of
the internal conflict and strife which has racked their
neighbours. As The Economist points out, "Costa
Rica has other advantages, rare in the region. These include a
democratic tradition, respect for the rule of law and a
well-educated workforce."
However,
market reforms, bolstered by the IMF, seem to threaten this
previously peaceful and democratic nation. Since Congress
passed a law allowing the state telecommunications company,
the Costa Rican Electricity Institute (ICE) to be privatised,
there have been a series of strikes and demonstrations. ICE
stands as a national symbol of the welfare state and many
believe this is the beginning of further measures to privatise
Costa Rica\'s assets. The fate of other reforms hinge on the
success or failure of the ICE privatisation - the Government
already has plans for the state banks and private insurance.
March
2000
The
introduction of a bill outlining the IMF-prescribed
privatisation of ICE leads to widespread protests. During
protests on 16 March, one person is killed in Ochomogo, five
are wounded, and several injured, including 30 police
officers, as riot police clash with demonstrators. At least 50
student protesters are arrested. Television images show police
beating youths who are trying to run away. In Perez Zeledon,
five demonstrators are wounded by police gunfire, 30 police
officers are hit with stones, and 50 students are arrested.
Police report that 40 protests have taken place on 21 March
all around the country. On 23 March, 10,000 marchers descend
on the presidential residence demanding the withdrawal of the
bill. In a clash with university students in a San Jose
suburb, police beat demonstrators and arrest 52 students.
April
2000
A
protest is met with "unaccustomed
brutality by riot police". Rodolfo Cerdas, a
political analyst, says that "these protests are a
struggle to elevate the quality of Costa Rican democracy. We
have a politics of ivory towers. People think politicians only
have their own interests in mind." Opinion polls support
his views. A University of Costa Rica survey finds that 53 per
cent oppose the ICE reform while only 20 per cent support it;
92 per cent say they should have been consulted and 84 per
cent believe there should be a referendum.
Ecuador
IMF
overview
In
April 2000, the IMF grants a stand-by loan worth US$304
million which will mobilise over $1.7 billion in additional
resources from other creditors. The agreement notes that
"the programme [of reforms] is very demanding and
successful implementation will require firm resolve on the
part of the authorities, and the support of the Congress and
the public at large". The reforms include the
dollarisation of the economy, wage restraint, the removal of
subsidies and "for important structural reforms in the
labour market, the oil sector, and privatisation". In the
first review of this agreement, the "directors were
encouraged by the steps taken to inject more flexibility in
the labour market, increase private sector participation in
the economy, as well as the commitment to phase out price
regulations on domestic fuels and electricity. It was also
noted that a more liberal trade regime would complement these
reforms."
7
January 2000
Delays in negotiations with the
IMF leave the Government without the means to reactivate the
economy. The deepening economic
crisis, and the social instability it causes, results in the
elected President, Jamil Mahaud, declaring a state of
emergency to contain growing protests. The crisis, which
has been escalating for a year, leads to consumer prices
rising by more than 60 per cent and a 7 per cent decline in
economic growth. Confidence in the Government falls sharply,
with the national currency, the sucre, losing 21 per cent of
its value. The state of emergency allows the administration to
avert demonstrations which
it believes are "interested in destabilising the
government", preventing groups from congregating and
giving the authorities power of dispersal.
10
January 2000
Lawrence
Summers, US Treasury Secretary, pledges full support for
Ecuador, saying that Bill Clinton has phoned Mahaud to offer
his support in the growing climate of instability. Summers
says that the "achievement of stability and confidence in
Ecuador was very much in the interests of the US" and
that the IMF is likely to send a team of delegates to the
country.
In
Quito, military chiefs publicly throw their support behind the
President, dispelling international fears of a coup attempt.
They reject "any attempt to break the legal order"
and call for a solution "within the constitutional and
democratic framework".
15
January 2000
Organised
by the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples, 40,000 Indians
plan a week of protests, including a march on Quito and other
major cities, against the Government\'s IMF-prescribed policy
reforms. Ecuador\'s Government deploys 35,000 soldiers and
police to control the situation.
The
protesters call for the President\'s resignation, an end to the
reforms urged by the IMF, including the dollarisation of the
economy, and for an end to economic instability. Blanca
Chancosa, one of the leaders, says that the President
"has not had the political will to fix the country. He
does not have the capacity. Let him step aside so that the
people can designate other persons more honest and with a will
to carry out a new form of government."
22
January 2000
About 3,000 protesters occupy
Ecuador\'s Congress building while more than 10,000 protest
outside. The involvement of
military guards, which allow the protesters
inside, fuels speculation of a possible coup attempt despite
reassurances from Carlos Mendoza, head of the armed forces.
Protesters also surrounded the supreme court despite police
attempts to disperse them with tear gas. In Guayaquil,
Ecuador\'s second largest city, demonstrations become violent,
leading to several injuries. Protesters claim that the
Government\'s plan to scrap the national currency and adopt the
dollar will further impoverish the country. A statement from
the White House rejects "the actions of those who have
occupied the Ecuadorian National Congress and are seeking to
establish an unconstitutional regime". Other nations
across the continent also condemn the actions of protesters
claiming that they are tantamount to an attempted military
coup.
Mahaud
flees the Presidential Palace and the military take power.
With an armed guard of troops loyal to him, Mahaud goes into
hiding after a week of demonstrations
and a retraction of Mendoza\'s previous statement in support of
the government.
23
January 2000
Mahaud\'s
vice-president, Gustavo Noboa, becomes the new President in a
special session of Congress in which the military junta hands
back power. However, leaders of the protest movement oppose
Noboa\'s succession, saying he is in the pockets of the IMF and
the US. Antonio Vargas, one of the indigenous leaders,
denounces Mendoza for betraying the protesters,
who want to create a new form of government to target
corruption and poverty. He also says that Noboa has only been
installed after pressure from Washington.
Noboa
confirms that he will
continue with the IMF-advised reforms and hopes to
bring the country back to stability, especially with the
backing of the military. The Financial Times suggests
that Noboa will enjoy more support from Congress and from
business, especially after the "country\'s brief
flirtation with a return to a dictatorship after 20
years". However, the report says that unless the new
President wins the support of the protesters, who oppose the
IMF reforms, he too will face a rough ride.
March
2000
In
order to qualify for an IMF loan, the Government introduces a
package of new laws to reform the labour market and the
financial sector, increase privatisation efforts, provide oil
pipeline permits and, controversially, dollarise the economy.
May
2000
The
National Educators Union goes on strike for five weeks over
the proposed IMF cuts in spending and salaries. Noboa says he
will take a tough stance: "I\'m willing to go all the way
with this. If they want to strike for a year, let them do it.
We\'re not going to back down." Protests by teachers in
Quito are dispersed by riot police using tear gas.
June
2000
Noboa
grants an amnesty for all civilians and military personnel who
took part in the military coup in January. He explains that
the amnesty is an effort to keep the peace in Ecuador. The
Government removes fuel price subsidies in line with their IMF
agreement, resulting in the rise of petrol prices. Noboa tries
to explain to critics that "we did the best we could for
all the Ecuadorian people, and in accordance with the IMF".
15
June 2000
Ecuador\'s new President faces his
first general strike, organised by trade unions and church
groups, against continued IMF economic reforms.
Wilson Alverez, president of the Workers United Front, a union
umbrella group, says, "We\'re going to take to the streets
to reject the economic package, reject the miserable increases
in salaries and the hikes in fuel and electricity costs."
Among those striking are more than 30,000 doctors, who stage a
72-hour sit-down protest, as well as teachers, oil workers,
and other public sector workers.
In
Quito, protesters who try to march on the government palace
are met with tear gas and riot police. One passer-by receives
a bullet wound. In Guayaquil, a bomb explodes outside Citibank
and demonstrators are dispersed with tear gas.
On
a trip to London, Nina Pacari Vega, the Pachakutic leader (the
political party set up by indigenous groups), says that the
economic reforms are unconstitutional and have triggered sharp
price increases. "Dollarisation isn\'t the most viable way
to bring about economic recovery."
26
June 2000
The
Financial Times reports that Noboa was recently visited
by Thomas Pickering, the US state department number three, and
by Cesar Gaviria, the head of the Organisation of American
States, who both call on the armed forces to uphold the
constitution, and for certain military officers to face
discipline after January\'s events. The report also outlines
how the President is trying to win political support for the
IMF-imposed economic reforms, promising consultation with
indigenous groups and highlighting the benefits reforms will
bring to the country. But opponents of the reforms remain
entrenched and want plans for dollarisation and privatisation
scrapped. Noboa sees an 8 per cent drop in the polls, with
only 43 per cent of the population backing his Government.
7
August 2000
Passage
of the IMF dollarisation bill through Congress continues to
provoke controversy and results in violent exchanges and
physical fighting in the Congress chamber. The bill causes
great rifts within parties and between members of Congress.
10
August 2000
Noboa
fails to gain military support to dissolve Congress and end
political wrangling about the IMF reforms. Although military
leaders reject the plan to dissolve Congress, the attempt by
Noboa shows he is increasingly worried by political and
economic instability. In a separate move, however, Noboa wins
collective agreement for his cabinet\'s resignation.
29
August 2000
The
Confederation of Indigenous Peoples (Conaie), which was
instrumental in the downfall of the last President, calls for
a popular uprising against Noboa. Condemning the IMF reforms,
and saying that Ecuador will become a colony of the US, the
organisation plans a series of strikes.
9
September 2000
Ecuador
formally adopts the dollar as its currency. The IMF states
that "dollarisation has proceeded rapidly and has calmed
the financial markets".
12
September 2000
Ecuador\'s
transition to the dollar turns into chaos as, due to bad
planning, many people are left without the means to buy or
sell. Although trading is now meant to be in dollars, many
small shops and stall-holders have been left without coins to
exchange. Roberto Aguirre, an economist, says that the
Government has rushed dollarisation and has not planned the
switch thoroughly enough. "There has been a lack of
foresight by the Government in not providing coins in time and
in sufficient amounts."
Honduras
IMF
overview
The
IMF grants a US$21 million loan on 7 June 2000 under the PRGF.
The IMF urges the Honduras authorities "to proceed
quickly with structural reforms, especially the privatisation
of telecommunications and electricity distribution and the
reform of the social security and pension system". On 10
July 2000, Honduras receives US$900 million in debt relief
under the Enhanced HIPC Initiative in "recognition by the
international community of the country\'s progress in
implementing reforms in macroeconomic, structural and social
policies".
May
- July 2000
A series of strikes hit the
country, demanding an end to IMF public service cuts.
On 12 May, 8,000 hospital workers strike to demand a pay-rise,
affecting 28 hospitals and 500 clinics. Riot police are
deployed in and around public hospitals to maintain order. On
26 June, thousands of workers take part in a national strike
demanding an increase in the minimum wage. Protesters block
main roads and the state-run port company, and a number of
banana plantations are closed. On 27 July, thousands of
secondary school teachers go on strike over unpaid wages,
affecting about one million pupils. Teachers have not been
paid since February.
August
2000
A
24-hour general strike on the 24 August opposes IMF backed
economic reforms. The
Government\'s plans to privatise state-owned electricity,
telecommunications and social security sectors to comply with
IMF requirements cause disruption to education, transport and
health services. Organised by the Popular Bloc, and comprising
farmers, workers and students, the protest closes
universities, affecting 60,000 students, and blocks services
at hospitals and major highways.
Kenya
IMF overview
On the 28 July 2000, the IMF resumes lending to Kenya with a
US$198 million PRGF loan. The loan is in recognition of the
Government\'s renewed programme to address the causes of
financial instability and low growth, namely "stop-go
macroeconomic policies [and] slow structural reform".
These policies include "macroeconomic and structural
reforms civil service reform [and] privatisation".
April-May
2000
A
peaceful demonstration calling for debt relief and an end to
IMF conditions ends in violence and arrests of church leaders;
63 protesters, including 13 nuns and 2 priests, are arrested
at a debt cancellation march in Nairobi. The march, organised
by the Kenyan Debt Relief Network (KENDREN), a network of
church groups, human rights organisations and the Green Belt
Movement, was peacefully making its way to the offices of the
World Bank\'s Representative to present a letter to end Kenya\'s
debt. Riot police arrive at the end of the march and
"broke up the protest with clubs and tear gas, violently
hauling marchers into a waiting vehicle". There are
several injuries, including children and an Islamic sheik
(priest). Spokespersons among the group say it is the first
time the Kenyan authorities have dared to jail a Roman
Catholic priest and nuns. The protesters are eventually
released on bail and, at their court hearing on the 22 May,
the charges are dropped.
Brother
Andre of the Divine Word Missionaries, one of the arrested
marchers, says in a recent letter, "The IMF and World
Bank have power over the financial decisions of poor
countries. Often poor countries have totally lost their
autonomy. They are often recolonised, with the powerful
countries dictating the terms."
The
Stakeholders Support Group (SSG), formed by Kenyan opposition
party members, lawyers and NGOs, protests against the IMF\'s
resumption of lending to the Government, saying the
administration has not made the necessary reforms to stamp out
corruption. The Government claims it has made all the reforms
required by the IMF and World Bank, but the SSG wants any new
aid tied to constitutional reform. There are fears that
President Daniel Arap Moi will try to hold on to power after
his term of office runs out in 2002, and the SSG accuses the
British government of pressuring the IMF to resume lending in
order to keep him in power.
August
2000
President
Daniel Arap Moi complains that the conditions imposed by
the IMF and World Bank for their new aid programme to Kenya
are too harsh: "We have been paying our debts for the
past nine years but have not received anything in return. Our
economic growth will definitely slow down as a result of the
conditions. These conditions are the toughest ever imposed on
Kenya."
The
IMF senior advisor for Africa, Jose Fajgenbaum, defends the
terms of the loan approved by the IMF in late July. He says,
"Complaints that the loan conditions infringed on Kenya\'s
sovereignty were an exaggeration", adding that "the
reporting requirements attached to the aid package were
normal. They were the same as had been expected of Kenya as
part of previous IMF aid programmes."
Malawi
IMF
overview
The
IMF grants US$10.6 million credit on 25 October 1999 under
ESAF. The Malawi government is warned in the agreement that
"structural reforms will be critical in achieving success
and in accelerating the mobilisation of committed external
assistance. Directors [of the IMF] urge the [Malawi]
authorities to accelerate the pace of structural
reforms."
15
May 2000
Protests opposing IMF conditions
end in violence. Trade unionists
and human-rights activists try to march to the New State
House, where a Consultative Group of western donor countries
are meeting government officials. The protesters, carrying
placards protesting against the effects of SAPs, are stopped
by police. They are then dispersed by tear gas.
Nigeria
IMF
overview
On
4 August 2000, the IMF approves a stand-by credit worth
US$1,031 million for Nigeria\'s 2000-01 economic programme. The
IMF notes "An acceleration of the implementation of
structural reforms is urgently needed, including to tackle
serious deficiencies in the provision of power,
telecommunications and petroleum that are obstacles to
growth." While stressing the need for an adequate
privatisation framework, they urge that "there should be
no delays in this urgent task". They warn that this
"will require diligence and resolute efforts by the
authorities to overcome evident weaknesses in institutional
capacity".
Despite
the democratic elections in May 1999 of Nigeria\'s new
President, Olusegen Obasanjo, the country has continued to
experience protests and riots calling for an end to IMF-induced
fuel price rises.
December
1999-January 2000
Civil society groups show dismay
that their elected president is continuing with the unpopular
IMF-advised policies. Nigerian
newspapers report the "same old story", with
Obasanjo planning to deregulate the oil sector and raise
petrol prices.
M
Arigbede, national co-ordinator of the Nigerian Poverty
Eradication Forum, says that Obasanjo is succumbing to IMF and
World Bank pressure to implement the policy: "Obasanjo is
pretending that he is taking a decision in the interest of the
people. That is deceitful. Deregulation is going to compound
the poverty situation immensely."Adams Oshiomhole, a
union leader, says, "We are on a mission to rescue the
president [who has] been hijacked by the IMF and the World
Bank. This country belongs to Nigerians."
The
Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) takes 5,000 workers on a march
to show their opposition to the deregulation of the oil
sector. They march on Aso Rock, where they are attacked by
armed police. Gani Fawehimi, a lawyer and human rights
activist, says, "It is sad and ironic that Obasanjo\'s
regime, which was brought into power by democratic process, is
now unleashing autocratic violence on the representatives of
labour who are protesting against the plan of the regime to
increase petroleum from January 2000. The employment of force
by the Nigerian Police, which is directly under the president,
against unarmed protesters, amounted to a violation of the
constitution of this country, particularly the fundamental
rights of peaceful protesters."
Previously,
the National Economic Intelligence Committee warned that
deregulating the oil sector "may compound rather than
relieve the situation" and suggested a number of measures
to prevent "importers making huge profits at the expense
of the country and its ordinary citizens". These include
consultation with labour representatives and the passing of an
appropriate legislative framework to channel benefits of
deregulation back into the country. It stresses that raising
the price of oil will aggravate an already volatile situation.
June
2000
The Government continues with the
IMF-advised fuel price hike, and in response Nigeria is
crippled by the most serious general strike since the end of
military rule. Oil workers are
joined by public sector and transport staff while Lagos port
and highways are blockaded, and both international and
domestic flights disrupted, and all petrol stations closed.
Sporadic violence is reported across Nigeria\'s cities, leading
to several deaths. In Abuja, two police stations are burned
down.
Kwesi
Owusu, Head of the Jubilee 2000 Africa Initiative, says,
"Popular outrage alone does not change the minds of
governments under such tremendous pressure from the IMF to
implement stringent measures that are at odds with what this
country and its people desperately need." He adds that
"they [the IMF] are now hell bent on squeezing the last
drop of blood out of a new democratic government that is
struggling to restore social and economic stability".
July
2000
The
Nigerian House of Representatives adopts a non-binding motion
urging the federal government to suspend all activities in
respect to the IMF loan. The speaker, Umar Ghali Na\'Abba,
calls for a full disclosure of information about the IMF and
its relationship with Nigeria: "It is only then that we
can be properly equipped to delve into these things."
16
August 2000
Despite securing the IMF loan,
the Nigerian Assembly is concerned about further IMF-advised
privatisation. The Assembly
starts a "privatisation consultation", stating that
the previous privatisation programme was inadequate due to the
"absence of a complete and properly attuned legal
framework". Nze Chidi Duru, the chairman of the House
Committee on Privatisation, also observes that "the
stringent opposition to privatisation was generally from
workers and the labour unions [but] today the array of
complaints has broadened to include many other shares of
opinion including estate surveyors and valuers, engineers,
shareholders and many others". In a linked venture, the
Assembly introduces a bill to repeal the previous
privatisation laws and "for the suspension of the
privatisation exercise until an adequate legal framework was
provided".
James
Mutethia, a Nigerian journalist, notes that "African
countries are being asked to impose austerity measures on the
populations, to sell state-owned enterprises to foreign
multinationals and give up more and more of their political
independence - those who accept the conditions are offered
more loans and shown as good examples to the rest. Those who
do not are subjected to more subtle economic pressure."
The report continues, "In order to qualify for more aid
and loans, the governments in these countries have implemented
one austerity measure after another. The governments have only
refused to implement more measures when it became politically
explosive with workers organising protests and strikes. Yet
the IMF has argued that they have not done enough. The upshot
of the austerity measures has been that these governments have
diverted money from development and expenditure on social
services to debt repayments."
Paraguay
IMF
overview
In
last year\'s annual review of Paraguay\'s economic programme and
performance, the IMF expresses its disappointment at the
Government\'s "lacklustre performance" resulting from
"the failure to implement needed structural
reforms". They offer the following advice:
"Directors underscored the importance of sequencing
structural reforms appropriately while proceeding with the
necessary changes in the civil service and the social security
system. They also expressed concern over the high level of the
minimum wage vis-a-vis Paraguay\'s major trading partners, and
noted that the rigidities embodied in present labour market
arrangements would become more evident as the economy opened
itself to world trade. Directors therefore urged the
authorities to proceed with the necessary labour
reforms."
28
September 1999
In
an address to the IMF and World Bank, Federico Antonio Zayas
Chirife, Governor of the Bank for Paraguay, states how
"we [Paraguay] wish to reaffirm here today that the
Paraguayan people are committed to defending our Republic\'s
democracy and its institutions and are willing to undertake a
successful structural transformation of our society and
national economy."
June
2000
Protesters
clash with police in demonstrations against \'non-negotiable\'
IMF reforms. Protesters call a 48-hour general strike against the Government\'s
plans to privatise its telephone, water and railroad
companies. In Asuncion, over 20 people are injured and five
arrested as riot police attack them with truncheons. In a
linked protest in the east district, 300 protesters are
dispersed with water canons while two buses are set on fire at
the bus terminal. Nearly half of the capital\'s shops are
closed and residents are transported in military vehicles as protesters
block public transport routes. A presidential spokesperson
says that the policies were \'non-negotiable\' because the
Government needs to meet IMF targets to access up to $400
million in loans from the World Bank.
South
Africa
IMF
overview
In
this year\'s annual review of South Africa\'s economic policies,
the IMF notes "the extremely high level of
unemployment" and urges the Government to accelerate
"structural reforms, increase domestic investment,
attract foreign investment, and enhance efficiency". This
challenge will require "faster and deeper implementation
of the reforms, most notably in the areas of labour market
reform, trade liberalisation, and privatisation."
1
February 2000
The Congress of South African
trade unions (COSATU) begins a programme of mass actions to
protest against rising unemployment and labour market reforms.
The strikes are planned to stretch over five weeks and be
staggered over different sectors, beginning with automobile,
textile, metal and leather industries and followed by the
public sector. Since the end of apartheid in 1994, COSATU has
helped introduce labour laws which protect the right of
workers. But recent attempts by the Government, encouraged by
the IMF, to implement wage restraint and labour flexibility -
in order to attract foreign investment - have meet widespread
opposition. The unions believe that the Government is
liberalising the economy too quickly without making adequate
provision for redundancies and job maximisation.
Gerrie
Bezuidenhout, policy executive at SACOB, the South African
Chamber of Business, says, "The government is sticking to
what is generally seen as sound economic policy but the
improvement in the economy has not translated into jobs."
Unemployment is estimated at 35 per cent.
Recent
Government reforms have been praised by the IMF but have put
increasing pressure on the alliance between COSATU, the ruling
ANC party and the South African Communist Party, risking its
continued stability. Government plans include the amending of
labour laws, which the ruling alliance has spent the last five
years putting in place, saying they are too
"worker-friendly" and discourage investment and
employment. Opposition leaders believe that President Mbeki\'s
hard line on leftwing labour activists, his support for
inflation targeting and his plans to accelerate the
restructuring of state assets will jeopardise "the glue
that holds together the alliance of the ANC".
16
April 2000
Protest outside the meeting of
IMF and government officials.
One of the protesters, Trevor Ngwane, a city councillor from
the Soweto township, says, "Many of those debts were used
to buy weapons and suppress the people during apartheid. So we
are paying twice for it - once with our lives, and now with an
inability to fund critical social services. Instead of
building health clinics the Government is selling off zoos and
libraries to stay in the good graces of the IMF."
August
2000
South
Africa\'s Finance Minister, Trevor Manuel, says that the main
challenge for developing countries is to create an alternative
model to global trade and financial institutions such as the
World Bank and IMF. Manuel is chair of the 2000 Annual
Meetings in Prague and says he will use the opportunity to
help the cause of developing countries. But he also notes that
"no one has come up with an alternative model so
far", and until developing countries suggest ways of
reforming the institutions, they shouldn\'t "whinge".
IMF
overview
The
IMF grants a three-year ESAF loan worth US$349 million on 26
March 1999 on the condition that "the Government will
increase reforms in the areas of privatisation, public
service, and monetary and banking supervision". On 27
July 2000, the IMF approves an additional US$13.2 million PRGF
loan. The agreement affirms that "the [Zambian]
authorities intend to pursue a prudent monetary policy and to
limit the credit to public enterprises [and] complete the
transition to a private-led economy, including the
privatisation of the remaining public utilities and the
operations of the oil sector."
9
February 2000
Zambia\'s
President, Frederick Chiluba, blames the IMF for the
economic problems of his country, stating that reforms
which were meant to bring prosperity to the country have only
brought unemployment and a rise in poverty levels. He says
that western countries have told Zambia "to do certain
things" to help the economy, which would lead to
increased economic stability. He adds, "Then we are told,
No, No, No, Africa needs to embrace the spirit of partnership
with NGOs, but where I come from, ZCTU also wants increased
wages. And then the IMF says do not give them, we do not know
which way to go. The problem we have in Africa is that we are
rushing reforms as if that is the only panacea to the
problems." He says that if reforms are rushed and not
understood by the people, they may not help at all.
26
April 2000
Scores of protesters, demanding
an end to IMF SAPs, are dispersed by armed riot police in
Lusaka, Zambia\'s capital, after
trying to picket the hotel were IMF and government officials
are meeting. Organised by a leading civil society group, Women
for Change (WfC), the protesters
blame the IMF and World Bank for continued poverty in their
country. "The IMF are killing us, especially women and
children," says Emily Sikazwe of WfC. In a separate
report, Sikazwe explains, "If you want to see the impact
of structural adjustment on Zambia go to the University
Teaching Hospital", the capital\'s largest hospital. The
conditions are awful, she says, and the wards are full of BIDs
(Brought In Dead). She goes on to explain how IMF and World
Bank privatisation policies have resulted in more than 60,000
people losing their jobs and 420,000 falling into destitution.
She says that "SAPs cause poverty".
August
2000
The IMF urges Zambia to put
economy ahead of politics. IMF
First Deputy Managing Director, Stanley Fischer, says that
Zambia faces hard decisions ahead of next year\'s elections and
urges the Government not to put politics ahead of economic
sense. "I leave Zambia optimistic but cautious. It is
hard to take bold economic decisions in an election year. It
is easy to throw away what you have built in five years to
achieve short-term gain when the long run needs are very
clear."
Further
information
Introduction
\'Unwrapping the PRSP: can the IMF deliver its poverty
reduction promises?\', World Development Movement, June 2000.
\'Still
Sapping the poor: a critique of IMF poverty reduction
strategies\', World Development Movement, June 2000.
\'IMF
approves US$7.2 billion three-year stand-by credit for
Argentina\', IMF Press Release, 10 March 2000.
\'Argentina
memorandum of economic policies\', IMF Press Release, 14
February 2000.
\'Argentina
leader gets tough on unions\', Financial Times, 20
January 2000.
\'Argentina\'s
labour reform laws passed\', Financial Times, 28 April
2000.
\'Urgent
social demands weigh upon new president\', IPS, 17 May 2000.
\'Argentine
unions call for strike to protest IMF austerity plan\', AFP, 31
May 2000.
\'Government
adjustments trigger massive protest\', IPS, 31 May 2000.
\'Argentina
swept by wave of despair over economy\', Financial Times,
17 August 2000.
\'Massive
support for Argentine general strike\', BBC News Online, 9 June
2000.
\'Argentine
teachers and scientists strike\', BBC News Online, 29 August
2000.
\'Landmark
court ruling condemns Argentina\'s illegitimate debt\', Jubilee
2000, 7 August 2000.
\'IMF
approves three-year arrangement under the ESAF for Bolivia\',
IMF Press Release, 18 September 1998.
\'IMF
approves second annual PRGF loan for Bolivia\', IMF Press
Release, 7 February 2000.
\'IMF
and IDA support US$1.3 billion debt service relief eligibility
for Bolivia under enhanced HIPC\', IMF Press Release, 8
February 2000.
\'IMF
approves second annual PRGF loan for Bolivia\', IMF Press
Release, 7 February 2000.
\'Cochabamba
- water war\', Public Services International Research Unit
Reports, June 2000.
\'Clashes
in Bolivia\', BBC News Online, 5 February 2000.
\'Scattered
protests in Bolivia\', BBC News Online, 12 April 2000.
\'Bolivia
protests claim further lives\', BBC News Online, 10 April 2000.
\'Banzar,
the siege and the market\', IPS, 21 April 2000.
\'Bolivian
civil society asserts demand for involvement in fight for debt
cancellation and poverty reduction\', Jubilee 2000, 16 May
2000.
\'Letter
of intent from Brazil\', IMF Press Release, 20 April 2000.
\'IMF
completes Brazil Fifth Review\', IMF Press Release, 31 May
2000.
\'Brazil
says: take the creditors to court for causing the debt
crisis\', Jubilee 2000, 29 April 2000.
\'One
million vote on debt in Brazil\', Jubilee 2000, 8 September
2000.
\'Brazilian
campaigners hold referendum on debt\', Jubilee 2000, 1
September 2000.
\'IMF
approves three-year extended fund facility for Colombia\', IMF
Press Release, 20 December 1999.
\'IMF
completes first Colombia review\', IMF Press Release, 7
September 2000.
\'IMF
approves stand-by credit for Costa Rica\', IMF Press Release,
29 November 1995.
\'IMF
concludes Article IV consultation with Costa Rica\', IMF Press
Release, 26 October 1999.
\'Chip
shop afire in Costa Rica\', The Economist, 8 January
2000.
\'Costa
Rica divided as market reforms do what wars could not,\' Financial
Times, 6 April 2000.
\'IMF
approves stand-by credit for Ecuador\', IMF Press Release, 19
April 2000.
\'IMF
completes first Ecuador review\', IMF Press Release, 28 August
2000.
\'Ecuador
president imposes state of emergency\', Financial Times,
7 January 2000.
\'Summers
promises help for Ecuador\', Financial Times, 10 January
2000.
\'Ecuador
Indians planning massive protests\', Financial Times, 15
January 2000
\'Ecuador
Congress overrun as Indian protests mounts\', Financial
Times, 22 January 2000.
\'Ecuador\'s
president flees palace amid riots\', Financial Times, 22
January 2000.
\'Ecuador
Indians angry at betrayal\', BBC News Online, 23 January 2000.
\'Ecuador
leader pledges stability\', Financial Times, 25 January
2000.
\'IMF
loan to Ecuador\', SAP Alert, Globalisation Challenge
Initiative, 20 June 2000.
\'Noboa
adopts tough stance\', Financial Times, 6 June 2000.
\'Ecuador
faces new economic protests\', BBC News Online, 15 June 2000.
\'Strike
against dollarization and IMF\', Weekly News Update, Nicaragua
Solidarity Network New York, 18 June 2000.
\'Ecuador
Indians fight dollarisation\', Financial Times, 14 June
2000.
\'Noboa
urges compromise\', Financial Times, 26 June 2000.
\'Key
Ecuador Bill under the gun\', Financial Times, 7 August
2000.
\'Ecuador
military thwarts Noboa\', Financial Times, 10 August
2000.
\'Ecuador\'s
Indians call for uprising\', BBC News Online, 29 August 2000.
\'Ecuador
switches to US dollar\', BBC New Online, 9 September 2000.
\'Coin
shortage as Ecuador adopts dollar\', BBC News Online, 12
September 2000.
\'IMF
completes second Honduras review and approves US$21 million
loan\', IMF Press Release, 7 June 2000.
\'IMF
and World Bank support debt relief for Honduras\', IMF Press
Release, 10 July 2000.
\'National
Strike protests IMF privatisation demands\', AFP, 29 August
2000.
\'IMF
approves poverty reduction and growth facility loan for
Kenya\', IMF, 28 July 2000.
\'Jubilee
2000 campaigns protest trial of Kenyan debt campaigners\',
Jubilee 2000, 18 May 2000.
\'Kenyan
debt demonstrators rejoice as charges for \'illegal\' march are
dropped\', Jubilee 2000, 25 May 2000.
\'Kenyans
reject new World Bank and IMF lending\', News Updates, Bretton
Woods Project, April 2000.
\'How
African politics consumes its children\', The East African
(Nairobi), 30 August 2000.
\'World
Bank pushes Kenya to privatise power companies\', The East
African, 30 August 2000.
\'IMF
completes review and approves US$10.6 million credit tranche
for Malawi\', IMF Press Release, 25 October 1999.
\'Jubilee
2000 campaigners meet donors in Malawi as protesters face tear
gas\', Jubilee 2000, 26 May 2000.
\'IMF
approves stand-by credit for Nigeria\', IMF Press Release, 4
August 2000.
\'A
matter of time\', Newswatch Nigeria, 12 January 2000.
\'IMF
oil price increase fuels protests\', News Updates, Bretton
Woods Project, April 2000.
\'The
oil price hike blunder\', Newswatch Nigeria, 22 January 2000.
\'Nigeria
in grip of general strike\', Financial Times, 10 June
2000.
\'The
People of Nigeria resist the IMF\', Stop-IMF email list, 19
June 2000.
\'Nigerian
parliament rejects IMF\', News Updates, Bretton Woods Project,
August 2000.
\'National
Assembly initiates, debates new privatisation bill\', Nigeria
Guardian, 16 August 2000.
\'Africa
and globalisation\', Nigeria Guardian, 15 August 2000.
\'IMF
concludes Article IV consultation with Paraguay\', IMF Press
Release, 29 January 1999.
\'Statement
by the Hon Federico Antonio Zayas Chirife, Governor of the
Bank for Paraguay\', Joint Annual Discussion of the Board of
Governors, 28-30 September 1999.
\'Violence
against strikers protesting IMF privatisation\', Stop-IMF email
list, 25 June 2000.
\'IMF
concludes Article IV consultation with South Africa\', IMF
Press Release, 10 March 2000.
\'South
African unions in unemployment protest,\' Financial Times,
1 February 2000.
\'Mbeki
shifts the emphasis to business\', Financial Times, 1
February 2000.
\'South
African bitterly criticizes IMF policies\', Chicago Tribune,
14 April 2000.
\'Searching
for a workable solution\', IPS, 29 August 2000.
\'IMF
approves ESAF loan for Zambia\', IMF Press Release, 26 March
1999.
\'IMF
completes first review of Zambia under PRGF-supported
programme and approves US$13.2 million disbursement\', IMF
Press Release, 27 July 2000.
\'IMF
reforms have brought poverty\', The Post of Zambia, 9
February 2000.
\'IMF
faces new round of protests\', One World News Service, 26 April
2000.
\'Letter
from Zambia\', The Nation, 14 February 2000.
\'IMF
urges Zambia to put economics before politics\', Development
News, World Bank, 7 August 2000.