None Of Your Business

The Zapatistas Vs the Moneymen

As thousands of people flock to greet the rebel convoy in every hamlet and crossroads along the way, Mexico's business elite has been forced to reinvent their view of the rebels, or risk ridicule in the face of overwhelming national support for their demands. The business bluff lasted well into February, as Alberto Fernandez Garza, director of Mexico's influential business council, Coparmex, called the Zapatistas "a gaggle of armed and masked crazies", worthy only of a bullet in the head. Mr Garza expanded on his vision of indigenous inequality, blaming their unfortunate situation on "alcoholism, machista habits and senseless quarrels."

The money men's loyal messengers rallied to the cause, led by Ignatio Loyola, Governor of Queretaro state, one of the planned stopoff points on the Long March. "Marcos deserves the death penalty" said Loyola, an opinion seconded by a local National Action Party (PAN) deputy, who said he knew "several snipers" who were up to the job. If it achieves nothing else the Long March has unmasked the ugly face behind the respectable politicians, entrusted with the good health of Mexico's democratic institutions. How quickly they reach for their revolvers as soon as democracy suggests something more substantive than a meaningless ballot cast every six years.

By the time the rebel convoy departed from Chiapas (feb 24th) President Vicente Fox had jumped on the peace bandwagon, welcoming the rebels, pledging to "put his presidency on the line" for the success of the march. As a former Coca-Cola executive Mr Fox recognises the success of the rebel movement in winning the propaganda war, a victory achieved without a penny wasted on advertising. The money-grubbers sniffed the wind, consulted private polls, (knowing well that the much-hyped quickie TV phone-in polls are a useless barometer of popular opinion) and growled with impotent fury; 'Subcomandante Marcos has won the war against the Mexican government" whined Sergio Sarmiento, a reactionary economist who, up until this week, parroted the official line about the Zapatistas, dismissing them as a tiny, insignificant gang of losers, sustained only by a mob of dodgy Italian drifters in white overralls. Now however, Sarmiento's reality has shifted drastically, blasting President Fox for surrendering the nation to the guerrillas; "the government has already given away so much,' concludes Sarmiento, "that it hardly matters at this stage what new concessions are made. " (to the rebels).

Meanwhile Enrique Quintana, a management expert writing in the popular daily Reforma, had the decency to admit that Marcos and the Zapatistas gave him and his associates 'a pain in the liver". Quintana went on to outline an 8-point marketing strategy, which he recommends for inclusion in business school texts, pinpointing the Zapatista's marketing success, a success he can't help but admire. Such admiration can clearly be seen in TV, radio and press ads which borrow rebel phrases and images to boost sales campaigns. "From Chapas to Marcos", (from "Locks" to "Frames") reads one eye-catching ad in Mexico City, playing on Chiapas and Marcos to sell hardware goods.

One furniture shop commissioned a TV ad showing footage of Marcos and Tacho explaining the rebel struggle, adding a fresh phrase in which the two leaders rub their hands gleefully, anticipating a shopping trip to buy a class of chair unavailable in the jungle. In another ad published this week a PR agency printed a photo of Marcos and a question; "Why does he have so much power?' There were three possible answers, "his weapons? his computer? his image?' The latter response was the 'correct' answer according to the PR agency, advertising its own services.

Under the thin veneer of advertising opportunism however, lies a fist of iron, which has taken a brief and profitable holiday from its sustained campaign of hate against the indigenous rebels. The infamous leaked Chase Manhattan bank memo, (December 94), recommending the Mexican government "eliminate the Zapatista threat" to please foreign investors, remains a sacred text for business leaders, sign-posting the bloody road to Acteal.

The rest is window-dressing.