EEN. Het gerechtshof in Den Haag is illegaal. Een hooggeplaatst adviseur van de VN heeft er geen probleem mee om dat aan te klagen. (lees de tekst van Dr. Hans Koechler op http://emperors-clothes.com/docs/prog2.htm) Alleen de pseudo-linkse intellectuelen hebben het daar iets moeilijker mee. TWEE. Het gerechtshof wordt gefinancierd door de NAVO (inderdaad dat clubje waartegen sommigen onder ons vorige maand nog gingen betogen). Jamie Shea aarzelt niet om dat toe te geven. Waarschijnlijk omdat hij weet dat de linkerzijde toch al platgewalst is door de anti-Miloseviccampagne en al zijn kritische zin verloren heeft. Hieronder een verklaring van de woordvoerder van de Navo. "NATO countries are those that have provided the finance to set up the Tribunal, we are amongst the majority financiers, and of course to build a second chamber so that prosecutions can be speeded up so let me assure that we and the Tribunal are all one on this, we want to see war criminals brought to justice and I am certain that when Justice Arbour goes to Kosovo and looks at the facts she will be indicting people of Yugoslav nationality and I don't anticipate any others at this stage." (17/5/1999) Met andere woorden wij van de NAVO hebben het gerechtshof opgericht dus het gerechtshof zal doen wat wij vragen. DRIE. Het proces kwam er omdat dat de NAVO goed uitkwam. Op 30 april 1999, op het moment dat de VS al vijf weken bommen aan het droppen waren op Joegoslavië, hielden Madeline Albright en Louise Arbour, de toenmalige Chief Prosecutor van het internationaal gerechtshof van Den Haag, een persconferentie. Ijzeren Madeline zei daar het volgende: "Well, obviously, the question of what is going to happen to Mr. Milosevic is a subject that is very much on our minds, and Justice Arbour knows what we have said both publicly and privately; that she and the Tribunal need to follow out the trail of evidence to its conclusion. We, as I said, are supportive of her efforts." Louise Arbour begon niet te stijgeren omdat een minister van de VS publiekelijk vertelde wat het zogenaamde onafhankelijke gerechtshof moest doen, nee zei antwoordde het volgende: "We are here, and elsewhere, to ensure that we get the assistance to move the cases forward in that direction. Whether it points to any particular individual, I think the law is very clear: there is no immunity before our Tribunal for heads of state. There's no immunity, essentially, for any individual, both in a personal or a command responsibility position. All our discussions take place in that framework." Heeft iemand daar problemen mee? Nee, hoor, als de mediacampagne maar lang genoeg duurt, willen sommige linkse intellectuelen zelfs het principe van de scheiding der machten aan de kant schuiven. Tijdens diezelfde persconferentie voegde Arbour er nog aan toe dat het gerechtshof en de NAVO partners zijn. "We have long-standing relationships with [NATO] information providers. We are now looking at trying to accelerate the flow of that kind of information and the quality of the product. Of course, we're doing so at a time where that the collection capacity of all these potential providers is taxed by the need for them to collect information relevant to their efforts in the region." Het is opvallend dat geen enkele verantwoordelijke een doekje voor de mond neemt. Ze spreken allen vrijuit, wellicht omdat ze weten dat de linkse intellectuelen schermen met het principe "dat de vijand van onze vijand niet noodzakelijk onze vriend is." Een hele geruststelling voor Madeline, George, Bill, Jamie and the others. En waarom wilde de NAVO dat Milosevic zo snel voor de rechter gesleept werd? Ten eerste om het verzet tegen de NAVo in Jougoslavië te onthoofden. Ten tweede om een voorbeeld te stellen aan ieder ander staatshoofd van een Derde Wereldland dat het nog eens in zijn hoofd zou halen om tegen de wil van de NAVO in te gaan. Ten derde om te beletten dat weifelende NAVO-staten of andere landen opnieuw officiële relaties zouden aanvatten met de verguisde president. Dat zou hem uit zijn isolement halen. Rusland was een gevaar aangezien Milosevic sluw genoeg was om op de anti-imperialistische gevoelens van de Russen in te spelen. VIER. Er wordt nog maar eens een ongekende haatcampagne tegen Milosevic ontketend. Neem De Morgen van dinsdag. De krant opent met een grote foto van drie nazi-kopstukken. Dit zou bij een beetje media-activist toch een belletje moeten doen rinkelen. Wat wil De Morgen hier bewijzen? Waarom doen zij dat? Het is de taak van media-activisten op zoek te gaan naar de ware toedracht, naar de leugens van de corporate media. Maar wat blijkt: als media-activisten commentaar geven op Milosevic putten ze zonder enige scrupule uit bronnen als de Groene Amsterdammer en de BBC. VIJF. U wordt constant belogen. Wellicht hebben jullie allemaal al gehoord van die speech die Milosevic in 1989 hield in Kosovo. Die speech was doordrongen van opgezweept nationalisme en eigen volk eerst-taal. Milosevic keerde er het socialisme definitief de rug toe en probeerde voortaan het volk te mobiliseren met een enge nationalistische frasologie. De speech wordt vaak aangehaald om aan te tonen wat voor "fascistoïde" (dixit Jan D.) man die Milosevic wel is. Ook De Standaard doet dat op haar website. "Op 28 juni '89 roept de Joegoslavische president Slobodan Milosevic een miljoen Serviërs op het historische Merelveld in Kosovo toe dat ,,niemand jullie ooit nog een haar zal krenken''. Daarmee start een reeks van etnische conflicten die de Balkan tien jaar lang in een bloedige greep zullen houden." Heeft iemand ooit al die speech gelezen. Je kan hem vinden op internet. Heeft iemand ooit al eens de moeite gedaan? Het is niet meer nodig. Ik heb de volledige tekst hieronder gecopieerd. Neem toch eens de tijd om hem aandachtig te lezen. Dit is slechts één voorbeeld van de zorgvuldig voorbereide leugencampagne tegen Milosevic en bij uitbreiding alle Serviërs. "Ja maar", hoor ik hier en daar al roepen, "die Milosevic heeft toch wel echt heel wat op zijn geweten. Dat kunnen we toch niet ontkennen." Wel, het is aan jullie om dat te bewijzen. Ik ben sceptisch. Als zelfs het verhaal over die speech een leugen is, als het bedrog zo ver gaat, wat moeten we dan van de rest geloven. Al wat we kunnen doen is heel omzichtig te werk gaan. Michel Collon toont in zijn boek Blufpoker hoe het moet. Bij mijn weten is het boek nog altijd verkrijgbaar in de FNAC of bij de betere boekhandel. BESLUIT. Milosevic krijgt de volledige Westerse pers met al haar manipulatietechnieken en in het geval van De Morgen zelfs Goebeliaanse truukjes over zich heen. Hij dreigt levenslang te krijgen van een gerechtshof dat zelfs niet de moeite doet om te verbergen dat het een instrument is van de NAVO. Als de NAVO daar in slaagt, is het hek van de dam. Dan dreigt binnenkort iedereen die dwars ligt achter de tralies te vliegen. Tegelijkertijd blijft de ware oorlogsmisdadiger buiten schot. Geen woord over die kolonne vluchtelingen die gebombardeerd werden, of de Chinese ambassade, of het Servische omroepgebouw, of de centra van het Rode Kruis (dat laatste onlangs opnieuw in Afghanistan). Genoeg redenen dus om Milosevic te steunen, om de illegaliteit van het hof aan te klagen en om op zoek te gaan naar de ware toedracht. Gemakkelijk is het niet. Veel kans dat je je de woede op de hals haalt van het zootje pseudo-kritische intellectuelen dat de linkerzijde teistert. Maar wie een beetje waarheidslievend is, moet dat er maar bijnemen. Letterlijk verslag van de speech van Milosevic, afkomstig van een officiële Amerikaanse bron. Speech 28 June 1989 Slobodan Milosevic By the force of social circumstances this great 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo is taking place in a year in which Serbia, after many years, after many decades, has regained its state, national, and spiritual integrity. Therefore, it is not difficult for us to answer today the old question: how are we going to face Milos [Milos Obilic, legendary hero of the Battle of Kosovo]. Through the play of history and life, it seems as if Serbia has, precisely in this year, in 1989, regained its state and its dignity and thus has celebrated an event of the distant past which has a great historical and symbolic significance for its future. Serbian Character -- Liberational Today, it is difficult to say what is the historical truth about the Battle of Kosovo and what is legend. Today this is no longer important. Oppressed by pain and filled with hope, the people used to remember and to forget, as, after all, all people in the world do, and it was ashamed of treachery and glorified heroism. Therefore it is difficult to say today whether the Battle of Kosovo was a defeat or a victory for the Serbian people, whether thanks to it we fell into slavery or we survived in this slavery. The answers to those questions will be constantly sought by science and the people. What has been certain through all the centuries until our time today is that disharmony struck Kosovo 600 years ago. If we lost the battle, then this was not only the result of social superiority and the armed advantage of the Ottoman Empire but also of the tragic disunity in the leadership of the Serbian state at that time. In that distant 1389, the Ottoman Empire was not only stronger than that of the Serbs but it was also more fortunate than the Serbian kingdom. The lack of unity and betrayal in Kosovo will continue to follow the Serbian people like an evil fate through the whole of its history. Even in the last war, this lack of unity and betrayal led the Serbian people and Serbia into agony, the consequences of which in the historical and moral sense exceeded fascist aggression. Even later, when a socialist Yugoslavia was set up, in this new state the Serbian leadership remained divided, prone to compromise to the detriment of its own people. The concessions that many Serbian leaders made at the expense of their people could not be accepted historically and ethically by any nation in the world, especially because the Serbs have never in the whole of their history conquered and exploited others. Their national and historical being has been liberational throughout the whole of history and through two world wars, as it is today. They liberated themselves and when they could they also helped others to liberate themselves. The fact that in this region they are a major nation is not a Serbian sin or shame; this is an advantage which they have not used against others, but I must say that here, in this big, legendary field of Kosovo, the Serbs have not used the advantage of being great for their own benefit either. Thanks to their leaders and politicians and their vassal mentality they felt guilty before themselves and others. This situation lasted for decades, it lasted for years and here we are now at the field of Kosovo to say that this is no longer the case. Unity Will Make Prosperity Possible Disunity among Serb officials made Serbia lag behind and their inferiority humiliated Serbia. Therefore, no place in Serbia is better suited for saying this than the field of Kosovo and no place in Serbia is better suited than the field of Kosovo for saying that unity in Serbia will bring prosperity to the Serbian people in Serbia and each one of its citizens, irrespective of his national or religious affiliation. Serbia of today is united and equal to other republics and prepared to do everything to improve its financial and social position and that of all its citizens. If there is unity, cooperation, and seriousness, it will succeed in doing so. This is why the optimism that is now present in Serbia to a considerable extent regarding the future days is realistic, also because it is based on freedom, which makes it possible for all people to express their positive, creative and humane abilities aimed at furthering social and personal life. Serbia has never had only Serbs living in it. Today, more than in the past, members of other peoples and nationalities also live in it. This is not a disadvantage for Serbia. I am truly convinced that it is its advantage. National composition of almost all countries in the world today, particularly developed ones, has also been changing in this direction. Citizens of different nationalities, religions, and races have been living together more and more frequently and more and more successfully. Socialism in particular, being a progressive and just democratic society, should not allow people to be divided in the national and religious respect. The only differences one can and should allow in socialism are between hard working people and idlers and between honest people and dishonest people. Therefore, all people in Serbia who live from their own work, honestly, respecting other people and other nations, are in their own republic. Dramatic National Divisions After all, our entire country should be set up on the basis of such principles. Yugoslavia is a multinational community and it can survive only under the conditions of full equality for all nations that live in it. The crisis that hit Yugoslavia has brought about national divisions, but also social, cultural, religious and many other less important ones. Among all these divisions, nationalist ones have shown themselves to be the most dramatic. Resolving them will make it easier to remove other divisions and mitigate the consequences they have created. For as long as multinational communities have existed, their weak point has always been the relations between different nations. The threat is that the question of one nation being endangered by the others can be posed one day -- and this can then start a wave of suspicions, accusations, and intolerance, a wave that invariably grows and is difficult to stop. This threat has been hanging like a sword over our heads all the time. Internal and external enemies of multi-national communities are aware of this and therefore they organize their activity against multinational societies mostly by fomenting national conflicts. At this moment, we in Yugoslavia are behaving as if we have never had such an experience and as if in our recent and distant past we have never experienced the worst tragedy of national conflicts that a society can experience and still survive. Equal and harmonious relations among Yugoslav peoples are a necessary condition for the existence of Yugoslavia and for it to find its way out of the crisis and, in particular, they are a necessary condition for its economic and social prosperity. In this respect Yugoslavia does not stand out from the social milieu of the contemporary, particularly the developed, world. This world is more and more marked by national tolerance, national cooperation, and even national equality. The modern economic and technological, as well as political and cultural development, has guided various peoples toward each other, has made them interdependent and increasingly has made them equal as well [medjusobno ravnopravni]. Equal and united people can above all become a part of the civilization toward which mankind is moving. If we cannot be at the head of the column leading to such a civilization, there is certainly no need for us to be at is tail. At the time when this famous historical battle was fought in Kosovo, the people were looking at the stars, expecting aid from them. Now, 6 centuries later, they are looking at the stars again, waiting to conquer them. On the first occasion, they could allow themselves to be disunited and to have hatred and treason because they lived in smaller, weakly interlinked worlds. Now, as people on this planet, they cannot conquer even their own planet if they are not united, let alone other planets, unless they live in mutual harmony and solidarity. Therefore, words devoted to unity, solidarity, and cooperation among people have no greater significance anywhere on the soil of our motherland than they have here in the field of Kosovo, which is a symbol of disunity and treason. In the memory of the Serbian people, this disunity was decisive in causing the loss of the battle and in bringing about the fate which Serbia suffered for a full 6 centuries. Even if it were not so, from a historical point of view, it remains certain that the people regarded disunity as its greatest disaster. Therefore it is the obligation of the people to remove disunity, so that they may protect themselves from defeats, failures, and stagnation in the future. Unity brings Back Dignity This year, the Serbian people became aware of the necessity of their mutual harmony as the indispensable condition for their present life and further development. I am convinced that this awareness of harmony and unity will make it possible for Serbia not only to function as a state but to function as a successful state. Therefore I think that it makes sense to say this here in Kosovo, where that disunity once upon a time tragically pushed back Serbia for centuries and endangered it, and where renewed unity may advance it and may return dignity to it. Such an awareness about mutual relations constitutes an elementary necessity for Yugoslavia, too, for its fate is in the joined hands of all its peoples. The Kosovo heroism has been inspiring our creativity for 6 centuries, and has been feeding our pride and does not allow us to forget that at one time we were an army great, brave, and proud, one of the few that remained undefeated when losing. Six centuries later, now, we are being again engaged in battles and are facing battles. They are not armed battles, although such things cannot be excluded yet. However, regardless of what kind of battles they are, they cannot be won without resolve, bravery, and sacrifice, without the noble qualities that were present here in the field of Kosovo in the days past. Our chief battle now concerns implementing the economic, political, cultural, and general social prosperity, finding a quicker and more successful approach to a civilization in which people will live in the 21st century. For this battle, we certainly need heroism, of course of a somewhat different kind, but that courage without which nothing serious and great can be achieved remains unchanged and remains urgently necessary. Six centuries ago, Serbia heroically defended itself in the field of Kosovo, but it also defended Europe. Serbia was at that time the bastion that defended the European culture, religion, and European society in general. Therefore today it appears not only unjust but even unhistorical and completely absurd to talk about Serbia's belonging to Europe. Serbia has been a part of Europe incessantly, now just as much as it was in the past, of course, in its own way, but in a way that in the historical sense never deprived it of dignity. In this spirit we now endeavor to build a society, rich and democratic, and thus to contribute to the prosperity of this beautiful country, this unjustly suffering country, but also to contribute to the efforts of all the progressive people of our age that they make for a better and happier world. Let the memory of Kosovo heroism live forever! Long live Serbia! Long live Yugoslavia! Long live peace and brotherhood among peoples!